Swedish Concerns Within the Context of the European Union

           In 1995, Sweden became a member of the European Union. The decision to accede to the Union was a difficult one for Sweden to make, and it came against a backdrop of pessimistic public opinion. European integration has long been seen by many as a path towards ensuring political, economic, and social advancement within the continent. By integrating various areas of society, the European Union attempts to achieve political harmony, maximum progress, and economic stability for all of its member states. As a consequence, member states accept a loss of a portion of their autonomy, and are forced to compromise with others for the greater good. Unfortunately, the differences amongst member states are often substantial and their issues complex, making integration a daunting task.

For Sweden, the prospect of membership into the European Union had been seen as a potential way to curb its rising unemployment, maintain its expensive welfare system, and reinvigorate its sluggish economy by increasing its access to European markets. (Nordstrom, 2002; Guttman, 1995) Despite these positive outlooks, Swedish efforts at European integration have been met with intense criticism at each step along the way from their skeptical citizenry. Referendums on Swedish accession and European Monetary integration have both shown an extremely large portion of the citizenry to be against EU participation, demonstrating that Swedish citizens are hesitant to deepen integration. (Lindahl, 2005) Political scientists have described this rift as a “significant cleavage between public opinion and the political elite,” and it has served to alienate the populace from their government (Lindahl, 2005: 65). Given unenthusiastic public opinion towards European integration and optimistic expectations by the Swedish government, is the European Union a positive or negative force in solving the complex issues facing Sweden? By analyzing the issues surrounding Sweden’s accession and the ability of membership to impact its economic problems, social concerns, environmental policy, and international relations, one can see that Sweden has been able to maintain a significant degree of autonomy, while still reaping the benefits of its membership in the EU. Investigation will show that Sweden has prospered during its association with the EU and that a continuance of this relationship is of benefit to the country. 

Many politico-historical factors have contributed to Sweden’s decision to remain an “EU outsider” for much of the twentieth century. Sweden had held back from joining the European Union because of its “policy of neutrality” that it has maintained since long before integration began (Gan, 1995). By remaining neutral, Sweden has been able to remain outside of worldwide conflicts, thus serving to maintain its deep-seeded stance against war. After the 1989 collapse of the Berlin Wall marking the end of the Cold War, Sweden no longer perceived EU membership as contrary to their traditional position of nonintervention. (Nordstrom, 2002; Regeringskansliet, 2005). In addition, prior to 1990, most Swedish people and politicians had been “federo-sceptic,” meaning that they had been against any move that would integrate Sweden towards the level of a federalist system, in which legislative powers would be shared between different levels of government and backed by a Constitution (Lindahl, 2005). Most of the populace had preferred that Sweden confront relations with the EU as an outsider so as to maintain their sovereignty, or supreme authority within their territory. (Lindahl 2005) By loosing their sovereignty, Sweden itself would no longer have the ability to enact legislation as it deemed fit if it did not comply with EU principles. Critics felt that if the sparsely populated, small Sweden were to join the EU, the country would have little influence over issues surrounding the greater Europe, and instead, would become heavily influenced by the “Franco-German core.” It wasn’t until around 1990 that the difficulties faced by the Swedish economy became overwhelming and served to balance the cause for EU integration. (Lindahl, 2005)

Since the early twentieth century, the Swedish economy has been characterized by its extensive focus on its “welfare state” (Nordstrom, 2002). Numerous social benefits have been provided to all citizens mostly free of charge, and have included health care, preschool and senior citizen-related care, pensions, education, public transportation, and maternity leaves. (Nordstrom, 2002) To the average worker, these services have not come without a price, a price that has usually been levied in the form of heavy taxes. In fact, prior to its accession to the EU, nearly one third of Sweden’s GDP was spent on its welfare state. (U.S. State Dept., 2005) By 1990, Sweden was experiencing a series of compounding economic problems. The skyrocketing cost of maintaining the welfare state had been coupled with inflation, an aging manufacturing sector, poor performance of Swedish products on the worldwide market, a surmounting national debt, and massive amounts of unemployment. (Nordstrom, 2002) The state of economic uncertainty that these problems amounted to paved the way for Sweden’s concession, especially among its political leaders, towards EU membership.

When deciding whether or not to apply for membership, Swedish leaders certainly considered the level of modification the country would have to undergo to become a member. With long-term trade and economic agreements with other European countries stretching as far back as 1960, the Swedish economic system was adaptable to Union ideals. In 1960, Sweden, along with six other non-European Community members formed the European Free Trade Association, which created a free market amongst them and initiated a common external tariff barrier to the European Community (EC). From that point forward, Sweden has maintained an economic relationship with the European Union and its various incarnations. In 1972 and 1992 respectively, Sweden and the EC signed a Free Trade Agreement and established a European Economic Area, both of which further integrated the Swedish economy into that of the EC. (Regeringskansliet, 2005) These early agreements served to prepare Sweden’s institutional structure for an easy transition to membership. (Sweden.Se, 2005)

In 1991, Swedish leadership submitted an application for EU membership, as it was seen as a way in which to influence European politics, ensure economic growth and stability, and access to European markets, which had accounted for seventy-five percent of the Swedish export market (Guttman, 1995). During the negotiation process that preceded its membership, Sweden was able to bargain with EU leaders to ensure that their concerns would be addressed in exchange for their welcomed membership. (Sweden.Se, 2005) As enshrined in its accession treaty, Sweden can maintain its autonomy in foreign policy and defense; sustain most of its high environmental standards within Swedish territory; provide protection for Sweden’s farmers and fisherman; receive regional development funding; continue the Swedish “monopoly” of its alcohol producing giant named Systembolaget; and not restrict a previously banned type of chewing tobacco within its territory. (Nordstrom, 2002; Sweden.Se, 2005) Without the European Union ceding to the conditions that Sweden had required, the process of accession might not have gone as smoothly as it did.

In 1994, just prior to their entering the EU, the question of membership was put up to a national referendum. After fierce campaigns, Swedes voted with 52.3 percent in favor and 46.8 percent against EU membership. (Regeringskansliet, 2005) While they had given the green light to their national government to go ahead with integration, it was clear from early on that a large portion of the population remained doubtful that EU membership would help Sweden; contrary to the views of the majority of their politicians. (Lindahl, 2005) In a November 1994 speech by Prime Minister Ingvar Carlsson to the Swedish Parliament, he outlined Swedish goals within the context of the greater Europe. He believed that Swedish membership would provide the country with “stability, predictability, influence, and, of course, accessibility to the EU market” (Guttman, 1995: 1; Carlsson, 1995). For the greater Europe, Sweden would focus its efforts on maintaining peace throughout the continent, improving the European environment, spreading openness and transparency in government to the EU level, increasing gender equality, and supporting efforts to enlarge the Union to include Eastern and Central Europe. (Guttman, 1995) Many Swedes perceived these ambitious goals to be utopian, as they did not believe that such a small country could evoke such radical changes. What Sweden would find is that as a member of the European Union, they would be able to significantly influence Europe as a whole, improve their economic performance, and still maintain a portion of their sovereignty.

Sweden has long focused its efforts on curbing environmental hazards, both at home and abroad. These concerns have included the use of toxic chemicals, the prevalence of urban air pollution and water pollution, and the issues surrounding acid rain. (Kronsell, 2001) When Sweden sought to become a member of the European Union, it was granted special permission to maintain its high levels of environmental standards, which would generally have been perceived to be contrary to EU principles of free trade. (Carlsson, 1995) If Sweden had chosen to ban a particular chemical from use within the country, Sweden would traditionally be deemed to have prevented that product from flowing freely within the European Union, thus violating EU treaties. With the concessions that Sweden was able to secure from EU leaders prior to its membership, Sweden was given the ability to maintain a portion of its sovereignty in relation to its high standards of environmental regulation, a deeply held value of the Swedish people. 

Many factors have played into strengthening Sweden’s role on environmental issues within the greater EU. Since the 1970’s, Sweden has realized that it must look beyond its borders to prevent environmental dangers from dispersing into its territory. In 1972, Sweden initiated a UN conference to tackle the issue of acid rain. (Kronsell, 2001) Throughout the past three decades, the Swedish government has met with environmental agencies worldwide and leaders of the international community to discuss ways to regulate the environment, and as such, has developed a reputation as being knowledgeable and resourceful on issues surrounding environmental policy. (Guttman, 2006) In addition, Sweden’s well-developed domestic policies regarding the environment have served as a model for environmental improvements at the EU level. (Kronsell, 2001) EU leaders are therefore able to examine Swedish legislation and determine which environmental reforms would be beneficial to the greater Europe. Also, the solid position of the Swedish national government with regards to the environment serves to strengthen its recognition in EU decision-making. (Kronsell, 2001) For these reasons, Sweden’s small size surely has not hindered its voice within the European Union. In contrast, it has emerged as a well-respected and knowledgeable asset to the Union.

Since its membership, Sweden has demonstrated its immense capacity to influence environmental policy within the EU. In 2001, Sweden had the chance to set the agenda when it took the reigns for a six-month term in the EU presidency, and it introduced a variety of environmental proposals that the EU later adapted. (Sweden.Se, 2005) These included policies on curbing the acid rain problem, restricting the use of toxic chemicals, and regulating pollution. (Kronsell, 2001) At the Göteberg Summit, also during its presidency, Sweden was able to secure environmental protections on development policy, meaning that research on the environmental consequences of such policies must be complied prior to the EU reaching its final decision. (Widfeldt, 2002) Sweden’s strong stance on issues of protecting the environment juxtaposed to its ability to persuade the greater European Union to enact environmental policy served to contradict some of the initial concerns that the Swedish populace had towards the European Union. Although Sweden is a smaller, sparsely populated state, changes in environmental policy have demonstrated that it can still make a difference within Europe.

In 2003, Swedish voters were faced with the prospect of integrating their monetary system. Sweden had come under pressure to join the European Monetary Union (EMU), which included the initiation of the Euro, the new EU currency, after twelve member states approved the changes in 2002. (Lindahl, 2005) Integrating monetary policy was seen by many as a way in which to reinvigorate the Swedish economy by encouraging foreign investment and further increasing trade with Europe. (Reed, 2003) Supporters of the Euro had believed that if Sweden were to sign on, the EMU would serve to further decrease its isolation from the rest of Europe, and would provide the country with a stronger role in EU decision-making. (Lindahl, 2002) Many viewed monetary integration as a practical shift, as many Swedes often traveled within the Euro countries. (Lindahl, 2002) In addition, Swedish businessmen believed that it would force Swedish politicians to put a cap on their out of control spending habits. (Reed, 2003) But these proponents were met with strong criticism, as statistics demonstrated that Swedish businesses had outperformed the economies of the countries that had signed onto the Euro, and many were unwilling to allow Sweden to become a net contributor. (Reed, 2003) In addition, by switching to the Euro, Swedish businesses including Volvo and Svenska Cellulosa would no longer be as closely tied to fluctuations in the Swedish krona, thus having the ability to impede upon economic stability. Furthermore, many people saw monetary integration as a route to further erode Swedish sovereignty, and criticized the EU in its entirety for its “democratic deficiency” (Lindahl, 2002) Both campaigns provided strong arguments both for and against EMU participation, and the issue divided the populace.

In September 2003, the issue was put to referendum. After an extremely high voter turnout, 56% opposed the switch to the Euro, and only 42% approved it. (Lindahl, 2002) These results demonstrated that public opinion was out of sync with Swedish leadership, and in addition, showed that the majority of the people were still hesitant to integrate into the European Union. While these results likely resulted in national tension, it nonetheless demonstrated that Sweden has been able to maintain their autonomy in certain areas, and as such, has had an easier time working within the context of the European Union.

Sweden has now been a member of the European Union for eleven years. During that period of time it has witnessed a bolstering of its previously lethargic economy. Economic revival was paramount among Swedish concerns when it originally sought to enter the Union, and in many respects, the EU has been a positive force in the Swedish economy. For example, Sweden’s prior approach to foreign investment was very restrictive, and as such, discouraged businesses from investing in the country. (Country Watch, 2005) Today, Sweden is no longer perceived as an undesirable place to invest. Entry into the European Union has placed Sweden in a more favorable light within the international community. EU membership has brought about an increase in foreign investment, and such growth has stimulated Sweden to implement business reforms that have aided foreign investors. (U.S. State Dept., 2005) These self-perpetuating changes have resulted in a cataclysmic increase in foreign ownership within the country. As a result, unemployment has fell significantly, as foreign businesses now employ twenty percent of the business work force. (Country Watch, 2005) In fact, overall Swedish unemployment rates have declined by at least three percent since joining the EU. (U.S. State Dept., 2005) Corporate taxes have also seen a steady decline since membership in the EU commenced, and Sweden can now take pride in being one of Europe’s lowest. (Country Watch, 2005) The international community now sees Sweden as a lucrative business prospect. Certainly, a shift in global opinion has occurred since Sweden’s entry into the EU that has resulted in benefits to its economy, and the European Union must be given credit for a significant portion of that change.

Social conditions in Sweden have also shown improvement since entry into the European Union. Prior to its membership, Sweden had not had to contend with the same degree of social problems facing other countries in the EU. Nonetheless, it was plagued with social tensions and an economy that struggled to support its social institutions. (Country Watch, 2005) The last eleven years have seen an easing of social tensions as economic conditions have improved. Education levels have surpassed those of prior years, and by 2001, Sweden had a literacy rate of ninety-nine percent, ranking it amongst the worlds highest. (Country Watch, 2005) In addition, the Swedish health care system is viewed as one of the best in the world.  The economic benefits of Sweden’s membership within the European Union can clearly be extrapolated to social benefits.

Sweden has undoubtedly prospered as a result of its association with the European Union. During its tenure, Sweden’s economic and social institutions have thrived. Many of the earlier concerns of EU membership have diminished with the plethora of new economic opportunities that it has brought. In addition, the European Union has assisted Sweden in becoming increasingly competitive, both economically and politically, within the international arena. Environmental concerns, a subject of great importance to the Swedes, have been given the utmost attention by the EU. These issues have served to place Sweden in a position to expand its cause by influencing the environmental policies of the entire European Union. Unfortunately, sovereignty issues have remained paramount. Economic gains not withstanding, the debate over the adaptation of the Euro has shifted the balance towards disfavor of the European Union amongst Swedes. Despite major concessions by the EU, the fear that common monetary policy would cause too great a loss of their autonomy has divided the Swedes, and the populace still remains skeptical towards efforts at further integration. This mentality jeopardizes the very continuance of the EU. Nonetheless, most Swedes would concede that their country has gained tremendous benefit from its membership within the European Union, and that dissociation at this point would likely cause it to revert back to its earlier isolationistic stance. If Sweden were to lose the international recognition and global clout that it has achieved since entry into the EU, it would likely have to face issues of much greater complexity for its survival than its currently perceived loss of autonomy. In order for harmony to prevail, the EU must enact changes that please a greater majority of its Swedish constituents, and Sweden will have to decide what role it will play in the future of the European Union.

Works Cited

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Guttman, Robert J. "New EU Member Seeks Influence." Europe 1 (1995): 1-3. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Hofstra University, Hempstead, NY. 22 Apr. 2006. Keyword: Sweden and European Union.

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Lindahl, Rutger, and Daniel Naurin. "Sweden: the Twin Faces of a Euro-Outsider." European Integration 27 (2005): 65-87. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Hofstra University, Hempstead, NY. 22 Apr. 2006. Keyword: Sweden and European Union.

Nordstrom, Byron J. The History of Sweden. 1st ed. Vol. 1. Westport, CT: Greenwood P, 2002. 123-155.

Reed, Stanley, Ariane Sains, and Andy Reinhardt. "To Euro or Not to Euro." Business Week 1 (2003): 44. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Hofstra University, Hempstead, NY. 21 Apr. 2006. Keyword: Sweden and European Union.

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EU Accession and its Impact on Romania’s Political Economy - Brian Safran

             Since the collapse of the totalitarian and violent regime of Nicolae Ceausescu in 1989, Romania has miraculously transformed itself from a state of political backwardness and economic isolation into a western-style democracy and a burgeoning free-market economy. Perhaps the most influential factor initiating the drastic changes that have come to characterize modern-day Romania has been the prospect of membership in the European Union that began shortly after the Ceausescu regime was toppled and a democratic form of governance established. Along the path to membership, Romania has had to undertake a series of comprehensive structural reforms to fulfill the pre-accession requirements set forth by the European Union. Revolutionary reforms were accomplished incrementally, allowing for a progressive strengthening of Romania’s democracy, and affording it placement on a trajectory of economic growth. An analysis of Romania’s accession into the EU, and in particular, the progress it has made in reducing corruption, protecting minority rights and forging a free market economy can demonstrate how membership has consolidated its democracy and improved upon the aggregate standard of living of its peoples.

While the fall of communism initially brought economic and political instability to Romania, the objective of securing EU membership has been a driving force in reducing political corruption, social tension, and economic mismanagement in the country. (Canberra 2005:18) Although Romania became a full-fledged member of the European Union in 2007, the process of securing its accession began in 1995 when the Romanian government officially submitted its application for membership. (Lovatt 1999:1) In 2002, Romania was formally invited to join the EU upon its fulfillment of a multitude of domestic policy reforms. (Canberra 2005:18) This required that Romania agree to the European Union’s acquis communautaire, requiring its government to align its legislative framework and political and economic objectives with that of the EU. (Ram 2003:29) In exchange, membership in the EU was believed to offer Romania political stability and the means to economic prosperity.

Rampant corruption plagued Romania after the collapse of the Ceausescu regime, rendering its desire to establish a democracy a struggle. The 1991 introduction of a new constitution paved the way for democratic reform, yet true democracy was undermined by the ability of Ceausescu’s protégés and supporters to fill roles in the Romanian bureaucracy after his death. (Lovatt 1999: 1; Anyz 2005: 18) The former communists were able to gain control of the Social Democratic Party, which governed the country in the early 1990s and again in the early 2000s. (Country Watch 2007:1, 5) Under the leadership of Ion Iliescu and Adrian Nastase in the early 2000s, the SDP afforded businesses special privileges; and under their rule, flaws in the democratic institutional structure of the country were perpetuated, ranging from rampant corruption and control over the media to political interference in the workings of the judicial system. (Anyz 2005:18) Furthermore, the then existing judicial system did not promote equality before the law. Judicial proceedings were fraught with bribery and afforded the wealthy and powerful special exemptions from its authority. (BBC H 2005:1) Such occurrences perpetuated a system biased in favor of the rich; and thus impeded upon the establishment of true democracy.

Many Romanians believe that extensive corruption in their country has been the primary inhibitor to meaningful political change and improvements to its standard of living. (Sullivan 2006:2) In response to criticism by EU observers in the early 2000s, the Romanian government was advised to progress toward reducing corruption to further strengthen its democracy. (BBC H 2005:1) Popular support of EU accession in Romania dictated that the elected government adhere to its mandates; and meeting accession obligations have been a positive force for change. (Burduja 2006:64) One of the most influential individuals often credited with having placed Romania on track for accession was then Justice Minister Monica Macovei, who sought out to establish a fair and incorruptible justice system by instituting training programs for judges, establishing a computer system by which to identify and track corruption, and commencing investigations into the affairs of numerous politicians who were alleged to have engaged in corruption. (Irish Times 2006:1) The progress achieved under her direction in part afforded Romania the opportunity to join the EU in 2007.

EU influence has led to the creation of a prosperous civil-society, contributing to the establishment of a participatory atmosphere and a democratic political culture. (Phinnimore 2004: 217) In a pivotal election in 2005, election observers from non-governmental organizations found the SPD attempting to manipulate the election results in their favor; and based on their criticism, the SPD was forced to yield its power to a center-right government formed under the leadership of Traian Basescu. (Anyz 2005:19) Not only did this finding and the result that followed evidence the newfound strength of Romania’s civil-society and democracy, it also demonstrated progress in Romania’s ability to curb corruption; serving to accelerate Romania entry into the EU. Under the leadership of President Basescu that followed, Romania was able to secure an accession treaty from the European Union and pass it through the Romanian parliament, affording the country entry into the EU in 2007. (Country Watch 2007:7)

Although Romania was permitted to join the EU in 2007, it remained clear that it had yet to accomplish its obligation to establish a fully independent judiciary able to tackle prevalent, ongoing corruption. (EurActiv 2007:1) There remains throughout Romanian society a dangerous assumption that all functions performed by the political elite are done so with some degree of rule bending. (Anyz 2005: 18) In 2006, Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index found Romania to rank worst in the entire twenty-seven-member European Union. (Shepherd 2007: 117) However, as noted by former Justice Minister Macovei, a widespread and fundamental transformation of the judiciary cannot be achieved overnight. (BBC H 2005:1) Nevertheless, signs of improvement of are visible. The recent establishment of a National Anti-Corruption Department demonstrates the extent of Romania’s ongoing commitment. (Sullivan 2006:2) Over the past year, numerous investigations and arrests of high-ranking public officials have occurred, evidencing continued progress. (EurActiv 2007:1) One such investigation was undertaken into the affairs of former Prime Minister Adrian Nastase, which many observers believed to evidence the newfound ability of the justice system to subject even the most powerful of politicians to its authority (Sullivan 2006:3-4) Thus, Romania has continued its effort to reduce corruption and promote democracy even after securing its membership in the EU.

Another contentious issue for Romania has been the historical subordination of minority groups such as ethnic Hungarians and the Roma to the dominant Romanians.

The continuation of this relationship between the groups stood in direct confrontation to fundamental EU principles; which require the rights of minorities be protected under the law. (Europa 2007:1) The protection of such rights is perceived to evidence the existence of a functioning democracy and is a method by which to ensure the maintenance of social stability. (Lovatt 1999:1) Ethnic Hungarians and the Roma combined compose about ten percent of the Romanian population. (Economist B 2007:1; Dianu 1997) These groups have a long history of being refused civil rights by the Romanian majority on the grounds that they pose a threat to the unity of the country. (BBC A 2007:1) Yet in order to attain membership in the Council of Europe, and subsequently the EU, Romania was compelled in the mid-1990s to agree to the supranational protection of minority rights through the European Court of Human Rights. (Ram 2003: 36) One of the most contentious issues has been the protection of Hungarian language rights under the law. In an effort to quell criticism at home and abroad just prior to the EU rendering its decision on whether to commence accession negotiations in 1997, the Education Law was revised to allow minority students to be taught in their national language. (Dianu 1999:2) In addition, evidence suggests that the decision to include the UDMR, a political party composed of ethnic Hungarians, in 1996 and again in 2000 in governing coalitions was in part based on an effort to prove its inclusion of the group to the EU and international observers. (Ram 2003:38, 45) The recent establishment of a National Council for Combating Discrimination and the passage of strict hate crime statutes to protect minorities further evidence the transformative effect of EU regulations. (Sullivan 2006:4)

Although rights of ethnic Hungarians have improved substantially, some allege that those of the Roma minority have not. (Sullivan 2006:3) However, progress has been shown. In response to a recent murder committed by a Roma migrant from Romania in Italy, Romania’s primer has created an advisory panel of experts to develop policies that aim to better integrate the Roma minority; and has called on the European Commission to do the same. (BBC D 2007:1) The need to maintain a reputable image in the larger context of EU relations has required the Romanian government to abandon its former ethnocentric stance and introduce policies that integrate all of its peoples into Romanian society. Thus, the evolution of minority rights in Romania and their incorporation into the framework of Romanian politics and society demonstrates the extent to which EU accession has furthered the democratization efforts of Romania.

In addition to strengthening democracy and reducing social tension, the requirements of EU accession have served to strengthen and consolidate Romania’s free-market economy. Prior to commencing the accession process, Romania’s economy was characterized by the existence of inefficient and unproductive enterprises, nationalized utilities, and an archaic financial system. (Phinnemore 2006:30) To adhere to the requirements of EU accession, Romania was obliged in the early 2000s to undergo an extensive privatization campaign, introduce free market reform, and achieve the capacity to compete on the European market. (BBC B 2005:1) A major step towards achieving that end was undertaken in January 2001, after property seized under communist rule was to be legally returned to its former owners. (Country Watch 2007:5)  As per EU regulations, Romania has had to establish a fully competitive business environment in which all companies are given equal treatment by the government. (Sava 2006:1) The 2005 introduction of a flat tax also served to encourage foreign and domestic investment, helping the country to achieve a staggering growth rate of almost seven percent of its GDP in 2006. (BBC G 2007:1) Romania has simultaneously been able to achieve a budget deficit rate of 2.8 percent of its GDP, below the EU-set threshold of three percent, one of the prerequisites for EU countries to join the Euro zone (Shepherd 2007:118).

In addition to improving its macroeconomic indicators, the progressive change stemming from reforms required by the EU has impacted the average Romanian citizen, who has seen substantial improvement in their quality of life and standard of living. Restaurants and shopping centers have sprung up in previously impoverished neighborhoods and a series of massive construction projects have commenced in numerous localities. (Carey 2004:553-54) Such development has allowed Romania to utilize its substantial labor pool to its fullest, affording the country one of the lowest unemployment rates in Europe. (Sava 2007:1) In addition, the expected inflow of common agricultural policy monies is expected to increase the productivity of Romanian agriculture and farming, an important source of income in the Romanian economy. (Condon 2007:29) Thus, Romania’s securing of membership into the European Union has brought about economic change for its betterment.

The extent of Romania’s effort to improve upon its political economy while meeting the requirements of EU membership has, and will likely continue to be maintained in the post-accession era. The ongoing impact of the EU is evidenced by continued democratic and free-market reform since its accession in January 2007.  In the spring of 2007, the strength of Romania’s democracy was put to the test after President Basescu was suspended from office in the on the grounds that he had failed to uphold the constitution. (Connolly 2007: 26) The fact that Romanian voters refused to impeach him in the referendum that ensued was attestation to the potency of the democratic process as it evidenced electoral legitimacy. (Country Watch 2007:9; BBC F 2007:2) On the economic front, Prime Minister Calin Popscu Tariceanu recently commenced a large-scale effort to improve upon Romania’s infrastructure and relative competitiveness vis-à-vis other European countries, propagating increasing average wage rates, rising aggregate personal consumption and declining inflation. (Economist A 2007:1-2) EU membership has reduced the perception of political and economic risk among investors, and many believe that Romania’s newfound ability to market its highly skilled yet comparatively cheap labor force will put it at a marked advantage in the years to come. (Shepard 2007: 119) Romania has not faltered in its adherence to its European Union commitment, and despite its need to undergo further reforms, it has demonstrated an unwavering desire to attain a prominent position on the map of Europe.

Some analysts fear that the drive toward reform will fade as the incentives for continued efforts to democratize and privatize fall by the wayside. (Shepard 2007: 118) However, many others note that incentives for conformity with EU demands still remain. As per Romania’s Accession Treaty, the commission retains the ability to reduce EU funding and to refuse to recognize the decisions of the Romanian court system at the EU level. (EurActiv 2007:1; Parker 2006:1) If Romania desires to use the benefits of its membership to their fullest by becoming an active and respectable participant in EU affairs, it will need to continue its effort to root out corruption and comply with the economic policies embedded in EU law after its accession. (BBC C 2006:1) Furthermore, Romania’s desire to further the cause of integration by joining the Schengen area, which harmonizes policies related to immigration and law enforcement between its members, will require the country to meet further European demands. (BBC E 2007:1) Thus, the EU will likely continue to improve upon Romania’s domestic trajectory for the years to come.

Romania has undergone a series of reforms since the Romanian Revolution of 1989 that marked the end of the Ceausescu era. Initially plagued by the remnants of an archaic, corrupt and discriminatory communist regime, the country in the post-communist period seemed unable to create and sustain a fully functioning democracy. Romania’s eventual desire for entry into the European Union was based on the belief that membership would improve Romania’s socio-economic standing, and afford it a degree of competitiveness comparable to that of other European countries. However, inclusion into the ‘club of democracies’ did not come without a price. Romania was required to make numerous concessions, compelling the country to undergo substantial political and economic reform. Among these changes were the requirements that Romania reduce the instance of corruption, protect the rights of its minorities, and align its economic policies with that of the EU. In effect, these undertakings have served to strengthen Romania’s democracy while simultaneously promoting free market reform; instilling a perception of political stability and encouraging foreign investment. An analysis of the transformations undertaken by Romania in preparation for and subsequent to EU membership demonstrates how supranational integration in Europe can contribute to the political stability of its members and the economic improvement of their citizenry.

Works Cited

Anyz, Daniel. "Romania's Journey." The New Presence (2005): 17-19. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Hofstra University, Hempstead. 11 Nov. 2007. Keyword: Romania and European Union.

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Burduja, Sebastian. "Assessing Corruption in Romania: an Integrationist Story." Stanford's Student Journal of Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies (2006): 51-69. 13 Nov. 2007 <http://zhe.stanford.edu/spring06/corruption.pdf>.

Carey, Henry F. Romania Since 1989: Politics, Economics, and Society. 1st ed. Vol. 1. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2004. 1-640.

Condon, Christopher. "Huge Subsistence Farming Community Set to Embrace Change." Financial Times 2 Mar. 2007: 29-30. Lexis Nexis Academic Universe. Hofstra University, Hempstead. 14 Nov. 2007. Keyword: Romania and EU.

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Phinnemore, David A., ed. The Eu and Romania: Accession and Beyond. 1st ed. Vol. 1. London: The Federal Trust, 2006. 1-230.

Ram, Melanie H. "Democratization Through European Integration: the Case of Minority Rights in the Czech Republic and Romania." Studies in Comparative International Development 2nd ser. 38 (2003): 28-56. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Hofstra University, Hempstead. 11 Nov. 2007. Keyword: Romania and European Union.

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The Anglo-American Jury and Japanese Criminal Justice

      The Japanese government is in the process of transforming the nation’s criminal procedure from its traditional system whereby a judge unilaterally determines verdict and sentence to a new system whereby such decisions are to be made by a collective of a judge and jury, or ‘Saiban-in.’ The new system, which will take effect in 2008, is believed by many to be a middle ground between the Franco-German juryless system and the Anglo-American system, in which a group of ordinary citizens determine the fate of a defendant without judicial interference. However, the proposed procedural change will without doubt render the jury powerless and continue the de-facto monopoly that judges have when it comes to making judgments in criminal cases, as they will retain tremendous influence over the decisions of the jury. The establishment of a working jury system has the potential to bring about numerous benefits for the Japanese government; assuring that the decisions rendered in criminal cases are made in accord with democratic precepts, encouraging civic participation in government, and restoring public trust in the judiciary. Accordingly, it would be advantageous for Japan if it were to wholeheartedly adopt the Anglo-American jury system so as to provide criminal defendants with a fair trial and to promote civil involvement in judicial proceedings.

A plethora of arguments can be made as to why it would be in the best interest of Japan to establish a jury-based system of criminal procedure. Decisions in Japanese criminal trials have traditionally been determined unilaterally by a judge, and many have been reluctant to modify this system. They cite foreign incidents such as the Rodney King case in the United States, where a jury found white police officers to be innocent of a clearly racially motivated heinous crime, to be evidence as to why Japan should not adopt a jury system. However, judges themselves are not any less prone to making mistakes than are juries. When single political actors are enthroned with the ability to make judicial decisions without substantial oversight, they are prone to lackadaisical or purposeful errors in judgment. Two prominent Japanese cases that evidence fallacious judicial decision-making are Government v. Akabori and Government v. Menda; wherein defendants were found guilty of committing murder and were sentenced to extensive prison sentences; only to be released on appeal after spending twenty-five years behind bars. (Wakulat, 2005, 1) These incidents threaten to propagate widespread public distrust of the Japanese criminal justice system and attest to the need for change. (Cho, 1998, 1)

In addition to blatant judicial error, the traditional arrangement of the Japanese criminal justice system is such that judges have tended to decide cases on paper before testimony is rendered. An inextricable bond exists between the judiciary and the prosecutor’s office and police departments. (Asahara, 2004, 1) This is evidenced by the fact that judges often accept law enforcement claims of a defendant’s “voluntary confession” without looking into whether the defendant was coerced into making an admission of guilt (Kiss, 1999, 2). Defendants, whom can be imprisoned for up to twenty-three days without access to attorney representation, are likely to make such confessions under duress; and the processes by which police officers extract them often goes unchecked. (Richardson, 2004, 1) In addition, Japanese judges have tended to trust prosecutors, effectively affixing a “rubber stamp” to their decisions without considering the potential for falsities (Kiss, 1999, 2). This in part has resulted in an unfathomable ninety-nine percent conviction rate of Japanese criminal defendants; which many see as evidence of improper procedure. (Wakulat, 2005, 1) The institution of a jury system will serve to increase scrutiny into the previously unsupervised methods of prosecutors and law enforcement officials. Also, the nature of jury participation affords the justice system with protections that insure that each criminal defendant is given a full and honest opportunity to defend themselves against allegations. The “laymen” that comprise juries do so only temporarily, and as such, are not subject to the scheduling or monetary constraints that have fostered in judges a need for maximizing efficiency and speed. A group of citizens working together to come to decisions as a jury would be perhaps less prone to missing important details, affording them a better appreciation of the facts surrounding a particular case. In addition, as a group of actors working together, jury members can serve an oversight function, and their very appearance will force the judiciary to follow proper procedure at all times. A transition to a jury system will likely serve to strengthen public confidence in an ailing criminal justice system and government.

Some say that the only characteristics juries share is common outrage, stereotypes, and uneducated judgment. In fact, the infamous Rodney King case also pointed out the impact that racial biases can have on the outcome of a jury trial. However, the homogeneity of Japanese society in terms of race, culture, religion and language may reduce the commonly perceived biases associated with jury trials in the West (Kiss, 1999, 7). Opponents of the jury system argue that it is fallacious to assume that a group of uneducated commoners can make well-informed judgments. However, as elite members of society, judges may find themselves distanced from the moirés and customs of the average citizen. By virtue of the scholastic rigor associated with joining the judiciary, judges can become disconnected from Japanese public opinion and sentiment, and are therefore less able to render judgments in accord with contemporaneous societal views. Judges must undergo extensive training and must pass the difficult National Legal Examination before attaining a judicial post, and in effect, their education serves to propagate in themselves elitist viewpoints that do not correspond with those of the general public. (Kiss, 1999, 2) On the other hand, the “ordinary people” that compose juries will render their decisions based on “common sense and human experience;” the knowledge more applicable to understanding the context within which criminal allegations arise (Belli, 1959, 180).

Also, the existence of a jury system encourages civic participation in government. Although many may feel as though their government operates as a foreign entity having little to do with one’s personal involvement, serving on a jury can give each citizen the opportunity to participate in the workings of their government in a truly meaningful way. Some scholars make the assertion that a jury system is a disguised form of “direct democracy,” where each citizen actively participates in the workings of their government. They argue that such a system was never intended to be instituted in Japan due to the obvious coordination process that such a system would propagate. Although the practice of establishing juries resembles “direct democracy” as it existed in Ancient Greece, the commitment each citizen is required to make to the process is limited. Unlike in Ancient Greece, citizens are not asked to vote on every issue that arises and at all times; but rather each individual will take part in the process within a small subset of the total number of cases and within limited amounts of time. In addition to educating the Japanese populace about the strictures of their legal system, serving on a jury will engrain in each participant feelings of interconnectedness to one’s country, thus instilling a sense of nationalism. The jury system will strengthen Japanese democracy and reinforce the notion of “popular sovereignty,” or the understanding that Japan is ruled by its people. (Richardson, 2004, 2) These measures may help restore public trust in the Japanese legal system. In addition to strengthening democracy at home; the establishment of a jury system in Japan may have the potential to encourage and advance the spread of democracy throughout all of Asia. (Myers, 2006, 1) In fact, the recently adopted changes in Japan have already spurned a “ripple effect” in Asia, as South Korea, the Philippines, and even China have begun to reexamine their existing judicial systems (Fukurai, 2005, 1). Clearly the affording of Japanese criminal defendants a jury has significant implications for the development of democracy both at home and abroad.

Japan is also well positioned and amenable to allowing for the change. During the period of Taisho Democracy, the Japanese government experimented with limited jury system whereby the jury was to provide nonbinding guidance to the judge, who would himself make final decisions. (Von Mehren, 1963, 22) Although this system was gradually eliminated with the onset of totalitarianism, the notion of serving on a jury has been accepted and ingrained into the socio-cultural framework of Japanese society. (Fukurai, 2005, 2) Also, in the latter half of the twentieth century, Japanese citizens have become more willing to bring their quarrels to trial than in the past, thus rendering citizen involvement in the court system less of a “foreign” activity (Kiss, 1999, 7). Given the advantages of the jury system discussed above and the mindset of the Japanese citizenry, the time for change is now.

It has thus been determined that Japan has the potential to benefit from restructuring its justice system so as to afford criminal defendants a jury of their peers. However, the recently established “mixed system” must be examined so as to determine its appropriateness given the Japanese socio-cultural context. This system, which is set to be adopted in 2008, will allow for decisions as to verdict and sentence to be made by a panel of six “Saiban-in,” or jury members, and three judges in cases when there is uncertainty as to guilt; and four “Saiban-in” and one judge in those cases where there is no substantial doubt as to guilt (Anderson, 2005, 233). By virtue of its very design, this system has the potential to bias the outcome of a case. The flaws of this system can be prominently seen if one considers the unique strictures of Japanese culture. As a collectivist society, the Japanese often maintain higher levels of trust and subservience to figures of authority than do those in the West. (Kiss, 1999, 5) This cultural difference makes it likely that in Japan, jury members would be unwilling to confront and disagree with judges of higher relative power and authority. In such a system, it would be more likely that jurors would yield to the opinions of judges in an effort to “maintain harmony” and to “avoid confrontation” (Kiss, 1999, 5). For these reasons, the mixed system is unwarranted, and its establishment will merely continue the de-facto monopoly judges have on decision-making power. If the Japanese government is serious about adopting the jury system it must consider instead the Anglo-American model, wherein decision-making capabilities are transferred in their entirety to a jury; absent of judicial interference. In this setup, jury members would be less inclined to yield to the decisions of co-equal jury members than in if they were working under the de-facto authority of a professional judge. (Kiss, 1999, 6) Only without judicial interference in the decision-making process of juries can the Japanese government insure that each criminal defendant is given a fair opportunity to defend himself, face judgment from an impartial point of view, and receive justice as due him.

In conclusion, Japan stands to greatly benefit from infusing a jury system into its criminal procedure. Juries can help to ensure that trials are conducted fairly; break the previously inextricable bond between judges, prosecutors, and police officers; and utilize their collective common sense to garner an understanding of the context surrounding cases so as to come to objective conclusions. The change can also serve to the benefit of the nation, as the newfound civic participation will allow each and every Japanese citizen to feel as though they play an important role in the decision-making processes of their country. This sentiment will encourage the advancement of democracy both at home and in neighboring countries as they bear witness to the benefits of the jury system. As explained in the foregoing arguments, the “mixed system” recently adopted by the Japanese Diet will promulgate a continuance of judicial authority and render the opinions of the jury meaningless. Ensuring that decisions are made fairly and democratically requires the institution of the Anglo-American jury system, whereby judges are to be removed from the decision-making process in their entirety. Without question, the establishment of a full-fledged jury system would serve to the advantage of Japan.

Works Cited:

Anderson, Kent, and Emma Saint. "Japan's Quasi-Jury (Saiban-in) Law: an Annotated

Translation of the Act Concerning Participation of Lay Assessors in Criminal Trials." Asian-Pacific Law & Policy Journal 6 (2005): 233-283. JSTOR. JSTOR. Hofstra University, Hempstead. 30 Apr. 2007. Keyword: Japan and jury.

Asahara, Shoko. "Reform Reaches the Courts." The Economist 6 Mar. 2004: 16.

Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Hofstra University, Hempstead. 30 Apr. 2007. Keyword: Japan and Jury.

Belli, Melvin M., and Danny R. Jones. Belli Looks At Life and Law in Japan. 1st ed. Vol.

1. Indianapolis: Howard W. Sams & Co., Inc., 1960. 180.

Cho, Kuk. “The Japanese "Prosecutorial Justice" and Its Limited Exclusionary Rule." The

Journal of Asian Law 12 (1998): 1. 30 Apr. 2007 <http://www.columbia.edu/cu/asiaweb/v12n1Cho.htm>.

Fukurai, Hiroshi. "Japanese Judicial Reforms and the Establishment of the Saiban-in

Seido (Quasi-Jury System) in Japan." Diss. University of California, Santa Cruz, 2005. Abstract. Comparative Analysis of Civic Legal Participation in Japan and the U.S. 1 (2005): 1-5.

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62 (1999): 1-17. LexisNexis Academic. LexisNexis. Hofstra University, Hempstead. 30 Apr. 2007. Keyword: Japan and jury.

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<http://www.numenware.com/article/551/>.

Richardson, Bennett. "In Reform Bid, Japan Opts for Trial by Jury." Christian Science

Monitor 4 June 2004. 30 Apr. 2007 <http://www.csmonitor.com/2004/0604/p06s02-woap.html>.

Von Mehren, Arthur Taylor, ed. Law in Japan: the Legal Order in a Changing Society.

1st ed. Vol. 1. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1963. 22.

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2005. 30 Apr. 2007 <http://www.theforeigner-japan.com/archives/200504/judicialreforms.htm>.

The Contribution of the Samurai to the Establishment of Modern Japan - Brian Safran

The Meiji Restoration that followed the collapse of the feudal order was an era in Japanese history in which Japan sought to abandon its traditional isolationist stance and modernize its economic and political systems, military capability and social order. The efforts undertaken by the Japanese government represent an attempt to shield the country from forces of Western imperialism by strengthening its position relative to Western powers.  The recognition of the distinctive ‘spirit’ of the samurai class fostered their successful reallocation into productive positions in government, agriculture, industry, and commerce and thus served as a major catalyst in allowing Japan to achieve the extensive socio-political modernization and sustained economic vitality that it desired during the Meiji Restoration.

The Japanese samurai emerged as a distinctive social class during the feudal era. The samurai were endowed with the ability to commit acts of violence against commoners who failed to adhere to societal norms, and maintained a monopoly on the bearing of arms; effectively serving to strengthen their power relative to others. (Norbeck, 1967, 8-9; Hayes, 2005, 13) Characterized by their unwavering might and prominent role in protecting the court aristocracy as “military specialists,” they developed their own unique identity and social construct (Ikegami, 1995, 47). In direct competition with the feudal aristocracy, they achieved and maintained their position in society by utilizing their power to subordinate and dominate those of lesser standing. (Ikegami, 1995, 49) The samurai differed from prior military men in ancient Japan by their professionalism both in terms of skill and in the realization of themselves as honorable professional warriors. (Hayes, 2005, 13) During the early stages of feudalism, this identity allowed many of them to enjoy comparable wealth to that of aristocratic society without requiring the attainment of the requisite status afforded them. (Ikegami, 1995, 47-48) Thus, the samurai had succeeded in utilizing their military prowess to escalate their position in society in early feudalistic Japan.

While it is without doubt that the early samurai possessed tremendous military capability, it was the manner in which they portrayed themselves that earned them their special place in history. At the height of their feudal prosperity, the samurai embodied an unwavering sense of self-discipline, loyalty and honor among its members that became recognized as the “spirit of the samurai” (Yamamura, 1968, 153). This ‘spirit’ permeated all actions of the samurai and became the code of ethics under which they not only fought, but lived. A samurai would rather sacrifice his own life than risk a violation of the bushido, or samurai moral code. (Ikegami, 1995, 278) The samurai sense of morality was highly regarded by the lords who capitalized on these qualities during the extensive period of relative peace during the Tokugawa period. A subsequent mutually amicable relationship arose that allowed for the incorporation of the samurai into bureaucratic, landlord-like positions highlighting their abilities. They were placed into administrative and public service posts and were rewarded with economic security as payment for their services (Black, 1975, 47).  For the first time in their history, the samurai were able to achieve recognition and economic self-sufficiency, as a result of their skills and ethical conduct off of the battlefield.

The highly regarded status enjoyed by the samurai was however temporary; challenged by the political and economic transformation experienced by Japan during the mid nineteenth century. Japan came to the realization that Western ideals and tactics threatened the continuance of Japanese independence and way of life, thus prompting the commencement of the Meiji Restoration and a newfound “commitment to social change and political modernization” (Hayes, 2005, 18). The gradual disintegration of the feudal system and the revitalization of imperial power with its concurrent industrialization and economic modernization served to adversely impact the samurai. (Gordon, 2000, 2) A shift from a predominately agricultural society to a commerce-based society destabilized the land-dependent samurai. This, coupled with a plethora of social reforms, resulted in their demotion and the accompanying revocation of their privileged ruling status while the nation was simultaneously undergoing the most miraculous transformation of its history. (Yanaga, 1955, 120; Ikegami, 1995, 360) The “Charter Oath” was declared by Emperor Mutsuhito of the Meiji regime, and it propagated a blending of social classes, encouraged Western learning in an effort to strengthen Japan’s militaristic capabilities, and thus prompted a reorganization of the military (Hayes, 2005, 18). The 1873 introduction of universal male conscription and the corollary increase in military spending reduced the aggregate competency of samurai warriors, who had lived through an extensive period of relative peace during the Tokugawa era and had been trained using outdated forms of armor and military tactics. (Black, 1975, 45-46; Berry, 2006, 227) As a result, the fate of the samurai had been in jeopardy. Thousands found themselves unemployed and facing poverty, having lost their rights to own land and property. (Black, 1975, 55) In short, the Meiji Restoration transformed Japanese society and established a new order in which the military skills of the samurai were no longer needed, and it served to relegate them to a civilian life with no prestige, power or economic security. (Yanaga, 1955, 124)

The samurai however were not ordinary citizens. Many were learned individuals and many had significant leadership abilities. (Hayes, 2005, 19) Their military training, ability to cope with hardships and selfless dedication coupled with their strict code of ethics served to distinguish them from the civilian population. (Yamamura, 1968, 145) Their sense of bushido portrayed their “honor as a cultural representation of their power and independence” (Ikegami, 1995, 34).  Internalization of these sentiments among the samurai evolved into a sense of autonomy and individuality whereby the individual was the “ultimate owner of his mind and soul” (Ikegami, 1995, 34). Their feudalistic origins, where they relied upon their lords for small stipends, endowed them with the merits of frugality and loyalty. (Norbeck, 1967, 20) During the Tokugawa period their position as landlords allowed for their accumulation of financial and administrative experience as well as entrepreneurial capability. (Gordon, 2000, 1) The samurai were far more than simple warriors whose time had past. Their attributes were of great value and their collective spirit eternal. Despite their setbacks, the ‘spirit of the samurai’ would propel them forward into an era of modernization and change.

The Meiji government of 1868 found itself facing the serious dilemma of having to reallocate the 1.8 million displaced samurai. (Harootunian, 1960, 433) The revitalization of Japan required a restructuring of the existing social system, and the changes led to the demotion and virtual annihilation of the samurai as a hereditary military class. (Harootunian, 1960, 433) But having a highly educated, dissatisfied group of people living in the throws of poverty was not conducive to Western ideals, and their frequent uprisings threatened the goals of the Restoration. (Black, 1975, 227) In addition, the government recognized the value of the political, administrative and literary accomplishments of the class to the furtherance of their own economic advancement, and as such absorbed the samurai into their new culture through the “samurai rehabilitation program” (Harootunian, 1960, 435). This program was primarily designed to assist the Meiji government in expanding its agricultural, commercial and industrial programs while secondarily providing a solution to the samurai problem (Hayes, 2005, 19). While there was some doubt as to whether or not the samurai would be able to assume their new role, most were able to adapt the characteristics that had allowed them to prosper during feudal times to their changing situation. The government assisted by enacting laws that provided the samurai with increased job opportunities in industries that fostered economic expansion. Many samurai found themselves financiers, managers and workers. (Harootunian, 1960, 434) A large number of ex-samurai were also assigned to wasteland reclamation projects where the government hoped to stimulate investment and enterprise among them while simultaneously providing them with income and housing. (Haratoonunian, 1960, 436) In an effort to expand their national banking facilities, the government established a mutually beneficial system whereby samurai pensions would be used as securities to allow for the development of bank branches. (Harootunian, 1960, 440)  Keeping with their pursuit of Western industrialization, the Meiji government enacted a capital loan program that granted funding to samurai who chose to invest in industry or commerce that resembled Western practices. (Harootunian, 1960, 442) Between 1876 and 1889, the number of samurai who owned businesses expanded rapidly. (Harootunian, 1960, 444)  Many samurai embraced their altered role in society because it afforded them a new “elite” status and its appeal to nationalism awakened the “sleeping spirit of the samurai” (Ikegami, 1995, 361). The motivations behind the samurai rehabilitation program maybe subject to challenge, but what is clear is that the program did allow an opportunity for many samurai to capitalize on their skills and “together with a growing merchant class, many of whom were themselves samurai, [were able to provide] the human resources that propelled the country politically and economically forward” (Hayes, 2005, 19).

The Meiji leaders engaged the samurai in industries in which they were most likely to reach their full potential. The samurai contributions that followed impacted all major aspects of the Meiji economy and accelerated its growth and development. (Harootunian, 1960, 444) While it can be argued that the samurai had no choice but to accept their fate and resign themselves to their new positions, it is the expertise that they brought and the spirit which they personified that heralded their position as major contributors. The knowledge of agriculture embedded in the samurai from their feudalistic upbringing, combined with their managerial skills allowed them to assist the government in cultivating thousands of acres of previously designated wasteland for commercial, investment and residential purposes. Upon the request of Kuroda Kiyotaka, the Minister of Colonization, the government established a program to develop these lands, and it was uniquely suited to the dual skills of the samurai employing both their peacetime agricultural and industrial skills and their wartime military capabilities. (Harootman, 1960, 439) These endeavors led to the recruitment of 7,500 samurai and the subsequent development of the formerly barren northern area of Hokkaido. (Harootunian, 1960, 444) The samurai were also credited with possessing “strong entrepreneurial spirit,” having channeled their medieval qualities of frugality and self-determination into an intense interest in money and profit; placing them in a position perfectly suited for “advancement of the new nation” (Yamamura, 1968, 145). It is often contended that the development of capitalism in Japan was a by-product of samurai business acumen and their ability to sacrifice self-interest for national interest. (Yamamura, 1968, 153) There were those who believed that the samurai were more suited than either the peasant or merchant class to assume the responsibilities of Western-type industrialization because they were not burdened by traditional business techniques and methods. (Haroootunian, 1960, 442) In fact, Godai Tomoatsu, the leading entrepreneur of the Meiji period was of samurai origin. (Brown, 2003, 1) What is undeniable is the multitude of samurai-owned businesses that arose during this period ranging from small companies to large corporations and their impact on promoting Japan’s modernization. (Harootunian, 1960, 444) Samurai influence was so significant that some interpretations of the modern banking system in Japan credit the samurai with its establishment. (Yamamura, 1967, 199) Samurai leadership abilities led to claims that they were “natural leaders” and that their “participation in government affairs brought to it a polished purity and virtue” (Harootunian, 1960, 433). Noteworthy among the many samurai to assume leadership positions in the Meiji government were Ito Hirobumi who went on to become the countries first prime minister; Okubo Toshimichi who led the revolution against the shogunate; and Saigo Takamori who later assumed command of the imperial army (Beasley, 1957, 91). The samurai of the Meiji Restoration had overcome the loss of their traditional infrastructure but had retained the attributes needed to become major contributors to Japanese expansion and revitalization.

The samurai were a valiant and noble group whose contributions to Japanese prosperity greatly exceeded their military prowess. Their skills in government, agriculture, industry and commerce have left an indelible mark on almost all aspects of the Meiji economy. Far greater than their materialistic contributions was the ‘samurai spirit’ which they embodied. Their code of honor permeated every aspect of their existence and integrated itself into the Japanese way of life. Reaching its height during the feudalistic period, the ‘samurai spirit’ became the propellant that allowed for their survival during the Meiji Restoration and for their emergence as a major contributor to the economic, political and social transformation of Japan. The samurai leave behind a legacy of tradition and legend and a ‘spirit’ that will forever be symbolic of the integrity and drive that characterized the successful Japanese transformation.

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