Sunday, 12 August 2012

The Influence of Scholarship on the Atlantic Post-War Settlement - Brian Safran


          In A World Economy Restored: Expert Consensus and the Anglo-American Post-War Settlement, G. John Ikenberry analyzes the factors which led Britain and the United States to reach agreement on the basic rules of a redesigned international financial system following World War II. Whereas each country was beset by political cleavages and divergent interests so deep that one might have believed consensus to be a futile goal, Ikenberry argues that the predominating factor which encouraged and ultimately resulted in the post-war settlement was the emergence of a “middle ground” brought about by a group of intellectuals, economists and policy experts who despite their geo-political happenstance, were united by a shared set of theoretical conceptions based on a shared professional outlook (Ikenberry 1992: 291). He argues that this shared scholarly perspective came to become accepted by the two governments, and ultimately encouraged the formation of coalition-building within each state around these theoretical tenants, providing a foundation for the development of a public consensus. (Ikenberry 1992: 321) Analysis of Ikenberry’s findings can demonstrate that the consensus formulated by scholars had the effect of nurturing a Machiavellian conception of power based on consent, which helped to propel the United States into a position of hegemony in the post-war period.
            Ikenberry begins his investigation by setting forth the socio-political context within which the governments of Britain and the United States found themselves in the post-war era, and the objectives each sought to pursue through their economic policy. Whereas the United States was generally interested in pursuing a new international financial system based on the principles of multilateralism and free trade, Britain generally sought bilateral trade policies and the continuance of “preferential economic groupings” in an effort to fulfill its desire to provide for full employment (Ikenberry 1992: 289). Additionally, in each country there were stark divisions among political actors who supported opposed interests. In Britain, conservatives supported the continuance of the “imperial preference system” which provided for preferential duties on goods sold within the British Empire, whereas liberals supported restrictions on trade to ensure the stability of the welfare state (Ikenberry 1992: 305, 310). In the United States, prominent views included New Deal economic planners who supported Keynesian intervention in the economy, the State Department which supported the opening of the international trading system, the Treasury, which focused on monetary intervention, and the Congress, which was “domestically minded” and opposed to the expansion of free-trade (Ikenberry 1992: 305, 308, 316).
            In the midst of these competing views both within and between the countries on each side of the Atlantic, consensus was finally reached with the memorializing of the Bretton Woods Agreement. Ikenberry’s main question of analysis was to discern how it was that the two countries were able to reach a seemingly miraculous level of cooperation despite the opposed interests each polity brought to the negotiating table. Although past explanations have focused on the pursuit of power and self-interest at the state level, he finds that such an explanation fails to explain why the specific features of the international economic order arose as they did, and what served as the “glue” that helped sustain an Anglo-American coalition despite the seemingly opposed national and bureaucratic interests (Ikenberry 1992: 291).
            His answer to these questions lied in his belief that this “glue” was provided by a group of economic policy specialists and experts on both sides of the Atlantic who provided a framework for postwar consensus by shifting the focus from trade issues to less-contentious monetary issues and articulating a set of common objectives (Ikenberry 1992: 291). These specialists did not constitute an “epistemic community,” or an independently-operating, apolitical scientific community, but rather, were a group of scholars brought into their respective governments during the negotiating process (Ikenberry 1992: 293, 304). Furthermore, although policy-makers often deferred their decision-making to those they perceived as “experts,” the common ideas these specialists espoused were not based on their support of specific scientific, empirical or logical doctrines, but rather were rooted in their normative “professional orientation,” composed of an assimilation of beliefs formed in reaction to recent upheavals in the world economy (Ikenberry 1992: 293, 297, 318). The tenants of this professional consensus included the support of policies aimed at currency stability and currency convertibility, approval of short-term fiscal expansion to correct trade imbalances, and support of the idea of creating a global economy with international oversight over national economic policies. (Ikenberry 1992: 297-98) Scholars found themselves able to “break through various layers of conflict” by focusing initially on monetary cooperation (Ikenberry 1992: 319). Ultimately, Ikenberry shows how the policy recommendations espoused by these scholars culminated with the Bretton Woods Agreement, a compromise which created an international financial system combining aspects of Keynesian economic policy and social welfare objectives with free trade. (Ikenberry 1992: 292, 294, 315)
            In focusing on the concessions the United States made to Britain in its design of the new international financial order through the guise of policy experts demonstrates how the United States government sought to put into effect a Machiavellian-type view of power by balancing the interests of consent and coercion. Ikenberry argues that there was a sense among American officials that it was in their best interest to refrain from presenting the appearance that they were imposing a post-war order on Europe, and in doing so, sought the support of British elites. (Ikenberry 1992: 320) Among the most prominent concessions the United States made to the British included their providing for greater national flexibility in the management of exchange rates, and the articulation of a “middle ground” between a free trade system and a bilateral or regional trading arrangement (Ikenberry 1992: 315, 319). As a result of these concessions, the various previously-opposed groups including Keynesian planners, free traders and internationalists all joined in support of Bretton Woods, seeing it as a system from which all can benefit. (Ikenberry 1992: 317) Thus, through the making of Machiavellian-style concessions to British elites in the development of a cross-Atlantic consensus, the United States was able to secure Britain as an active and willing participant in the systematization of U.S. ascendance to and Britain’s fall from global hegemony.
            In closing, In A World Economy Restored: Expert Consensus and the Anglo-American Post-War Settlement, G. John Ikenberry offers a perspective on how it came to be that the United States and Britain were able to find common ground in the post-World War II era. Despite the fact that each country was beset by external and internal political cleavages, Ikenberry argues that consensus was forged primarily due to the influence of a group of scholars who shared a common professional outlook and way of thinking. It is through the suggestions offered by these scholars that their respective national governments formulated policy. In culminating the Bretton Woods Agreement, the governments of the United States and Britain incorporated a range of ideas appealing to the elites of both countries. Furthermore, by putting into effect a Machiavellian-type view of power, and making certain concessions to British elites, the United States was able to design a new international financial system which propelled them into a position of global hegemon. It is without question that the world would look quite differently than it does today if it had not been for the influence of the well-positioned scholars and policy experts who played a significant role in formulating a redesign of the global economic post-war order.

Works Cited:

Ikenberry, G. John. "A World Economy Restored: Expert Consensus and the Anglo-American Postwar Settlement." International Organization 46.1 (1992): 289-321. Print.

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